"Major Policy Address"

Now that I'm back in the United States (I actually have been all summer) and back at school, I'm going to keep this blog going, posting as interesting things happen.

Something interesting happened when I got this email on Wednesday:

Famous speakers parade in and out of Princeton. Before I was even a full student, I saw Ban Ki Moon speak at Princeton Preview, and during my freshman fall Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan spoke to a packed house. But rarely does an email specify a "major policy address," as most of these politicians are practiced in the art of talking for an hour without saying anything.

On the other hand, and perhaps because I've recently dived into this history of America's great statesmen, I am all too aware that politicians have historically given these landmark addresses to unsuspecting scholarly audiences.  

George Marshall's eponymous plan for Europe appeared in rough outline at Harvard in 1947.  President Obama's "Cairo Speech" was in fact delivered at Cairo University, and he delivered a major economic strategy speech at Georgetown University in 2009.  President George W. Bush drove home the "Bush Doctrine" at West Point in 2002.

George Marshall, from his Wikipedia page

Now European Commission President José Manuel Barroso has delivered his own "major policy address." I don't expect Barroso's speech to have quite the same policy weight as some of those listed above, particularly as it would be strange to give a cornerstone speech about the European Union to a room full of Americans.  But I do think it signals a major policy push.

***

In light of the European debt crisis, many have speculated about the collapse of the European Union, the exit of Greece, or even Germany, and a prolonged collapse that would destroy faith in the euro and subsequently the economies of all countries using it.  President Barroso refuted this prediction, for the European Union, "rumors of our death are greatly exaggerated." He touted the role of the EU in preserving European peace and stability on the continent that saw what he called "two European civil wars," and in institutionalizing some of the best human rights, women's rights, environmental protection, and prosperity that the world has seen.

He spoke warmly of the history of the EU and its predecessors, saying, "Europe integration has been in steps, but there have been different sizes of the steps," before laying out his big announcement: a "very big leap forward."

A 'big leap forward,' in the vague outline that was Barroso's speech, would entail a "federation of European states," with much greater monetary, fiscal, and political integration, as well as dramatically strengthened "hard power" capability--Barroso stopped short of calling for a European army.  What exactly that 'federation' would look like was not specified, leaving Barroso, the EC, and the member states plenty of wiggle room.

The view that Barroso outlined was already the most logical alternative to a European breakup, since countries like Germany (and by that I mean, well, just Germany) would not tolerate bailing out the rest of the continent without a guarantee that this situation won't arise again.  That guarantee would necessarily be greater integration and oversight, the lessening of some national sovereignty in favor of pan-European control.

The economy is not the only factor in this call for more unified decision-making, and may be less of an impetus in the foreign policy realm than issues such as the Arab revolutions of 2011.  The weak Italian response to waves of refugees coming from North Africa spilled over into neighboring countries and raised the hackles of those who felt they were paying for another country's mistakes.

Paying for another country's mistakes is the main point of contention for unified Europe, and makes further integration tricky--countries will become even more liable for one another.  Integration should, however, force them to take more decisions jointly and thus limit others' mistakes--or at least spread around the responsibility when they do make mistakes.

***

All this unification is thus a risky proposition.  Which is why Barroso highlighted, "obviously, support of European citizens is key."  However, Barroso was not in New Jersey to make the case to the Germans, but rather to rally U.S. support.  This was a call for a favorable opinion in the U.S., and moreover for the U.S. to become invested in the outcome of the EU.  Support here could have ramifications in Europe by way of academic research, official policy, and financial investment.  Investment, or lack of it, lies at the heart of the crisis and the European debt burden, and while 'confidence' won't draw back that investment without a change in the underlying economics, Barroso is talking about changing those underlying economic fundamentals (albeit with typical political ambiguity).

"It is important not just for us, but for the rest of the world, that we succeed," said Barroso.  He touched on our existing economic ties, saying that the U.S. has more invested in the Netherlands than in China, Brazil, and India combined*.  He disavowed claims of major differences with a joke, saying "Americans are not from Mars, and Europeans are not from Venus."  Saving Europe is, as it was in Marshall's day, the right thing to do, according to Barroso.  Peace and stability are not foregone conclusions, he said, citing UN failure to achieve consensus on action in Syria.  Promoting stability and prosperity in Europe is a moral obligation.

Barroso finished with a call that echoed louder at Princeton than it may have in less idealist institutions. He cited our own Woodrow Wilson: "Tell me what is right, and I will fight for it."  Barroso has told us his vision of what is right, and he has invited America and Princeton to fight for it in the nation's service and in the service of all nations.

*My references come from notes that I took during the talk.  There is a possibility that I misrecorded the exact wording, though I tried to be diligent.  If anyone has a transcript of the speech, I would love to hear it.